Posts Tagged ‘Gaza’

I have been paying attention to the brouhaha created by Jewish Voice for Peace (or Pieces of Palestine) and, “the Campaign”, and that whacky Ali Abuminah’s site (which I blocked myself from years ago) over Alison Weir’s refusal to blacklist other supporters of Palestine (true supporters of Palestine, not half-hearted supporters of Israel like JVP and, “the Campaign”. Electronic-whatever..), I finally decided to tell, “the Campaign”, what I think of them and to ask be (finally) be removed from their mailing list.

This is what i had to say to Ms. Balzer:Featured image

To Whom it May Concern:
(Ms. Anna Balzer)
After years of frustration with USCEIO’s negative actions aimed at many supporters of Palestine (whom I stand by), and as it seems that being pro-Palestine is taken as being, “anti-semitic”. by your organisation, I would prefer to be removed from your list of supporters.  I was quite frustrated when you attacked (repeatedly) Gilad Atzmon and many others who’ve done wonderful work for Gaza and for all of Palestine, as well as for the USA (and all of the West) by exposing the truths of Israel and the Diaspora Jews, but, your wretched behaviour toward Alison Weir, of If Americans Knew, is far too much for me to accept or gloss over.
I stand with Palestine and with all honest supporters of Palestine.  It is obvious, “the Campaign”, does not.  For this  reason, I do ask that you please just remove me from your mailing list(s) and from any and all future correspondence.  Unless and until USCEIO is willing and able to take an honest look at herself in the mirror and make adjustments which would be positive for the Palestinian people, I want nothing to do with, “the Campaign”.
It is with a somewhat heavy heart that I write this, but as I’ve watched over too many years, “the Campaign” seems to care more about so-called anti-semitism then they do about the people we are supposed to be supporting.  I honestly hope this leaves you searching your soul(s) and if you are able to change;  to come up with a way to get back on the right path, I hope you will contact me and wish me back.  IF the Campaign figures it out, do send me a note and I’ll be happy to return.   However, I would not return without Ms Alison Weir, Gilad Atzmon, and many others I’ve come to respect and to like.
Minimally, please do end this charade.  Your bad behaviour is helping nobody.
Anne Beckett
Austin, Texas
I do hope everyone who supports Palestinians and the Palestinian right of return will also remove themselves from the lists and campaigns by those who are obviously working within a two-state (one-state) solution.  There can be no two-state-solution, and those who support Israel are fully aware of this fact.  How could they not be?
Jewish Voice for Pieces (of Palestine)
and USCEIO (e-i-e-i-OHHHH, I get it, now!)
should be ended, just like the state these entities actually support:  Israel.  One cannot serve two masters and these entities don’t.
Thanks for paying attention.
Viva Palestina!
and FREE Gaza!

PalGaza_Aug2014_AUSTIN 007

Palestine Solidarity.
If you’ve read my recent post regarding the problems we ran across with the Palestine Solidarity Committee in Houston and Austin, Texas, you may believe Gilad Atzmon is an extremist and PSC has every right and reason to, “disavow Atzmon.” But, is any of what PSC says against Atzmon valid? Does Gilad hold extremist (and, as they say, racist) views? In fact, does it make any sense that those who claim solidarity with the people of Palestine, would go up against Atzmon? Forget that nobody I’ve heard from, or read words by, has bothered to read anything Atzmon has written. Ignore the fact that their words against GA are based in absolute conjecture and rumor. In fact, let’s forget about their fight against Gilad and, instead, look into their purported struggle against Israel.
How does one fight/struggle against the Jewish state and balk at discussing Jews? Changing the word, Jew, to, Zionist, doesn’t fool anyone except for PSC-members. PSC should not be so dishonest as to use the words interchangably. Besides, doing this can too easily be explained away, as does the PSC, that half of all Jews are not Zionists. Again, I say, really? You see, I used to believe that tired line: “Every Zionist may be a Jew, but not every Jew is a Zionist.” I used to spout this line, myself! As I have grown to understand a lot more about Zionism and Jewishness and particularly about the Jewish state, I can finally state, if one stands with the state of Israel, or refuses to stand against Israel, he or she is a Zionist. Refusing to speak the truth of the Jewish-state of Israel should give everyone a clue; said person is a Zionist, or would at least be a zionist-sympathizer! The only Jews I can view as anti-zionists are those who refuse, on moral grounds, to live in Israel while calling for the complete destruction of Israel in favor of the rebuilding of Palestine. Anything less and said Jews and PSC-membership are Zionists. Perhaps this is a more comfortable position taken by the newly un-brainwashed, but it is a dishonest stance.
Why would I call the newly changed PSC, Zionist or, at least, pro-Israeli? Well, just look at who’s front-and-center in their groups. Are these groups run by Palestinians? Yes, in part. However, their chairs are not open only to Palestinians. No; they are now filled by Western Jews. Is this not a bit suspicious? Like America’s Congressmen, who are ever and always on the side of Israel, is the questionable allegiance of the PSC Jews not to be questioned? Would the group, Jewish Voice for Peace, select non-Jews to run their show? I think not. Yet Palestine Solidarity groups are led and co-sponsored by Jews. Does this make any sense? I did think this was a problem specific to Texas. I thought only Texas’ PSC was confused. However, as Gilad Atzmon tours America and finds the only black-listing he encounters comes from the PSC, I am seeing that the PSC has been infiltrated and changed by the Jews. And, yes, it makes me sad. For I thought we had a good thing going. I thought the PSC would possibly have a chance to help Palestine. Heck, I thought they wanted to help Palestine! I thought I could join with them and we could finally do something positive. Now, when I consider who’s running the show, I see this will never happen, at least not from this group. And this would mean it is time for a new group or, minimally, a new leader, to take hold and actually get back to the original intention set out for PSC. Perhaps you think Gilad Atzmon is this leader? I’ll ask, but don’t think he wants the job.
One thing I absolutely know is this: Ali Abuminah is not the correct person for this important endeavor. Abuminah has allowed the new PSC members and chairs to re-mould him into a puppet for the Jewish-state of Israel. This is certainly not what Palestine needs! Palestinians already have this man in Palestinian-Authority’s Mahmoud Abbas, the jailer of Gaza. The Palestine Diaspora does not need a new Abbas. For, as Israel enjoys the unelected Abbas at the helm of Palestine politics, the Jewish state does also enjoy having Abuminah at the head of PSC. Why? Neither gets anything positive accomplished for any part of Palestine. How does anyone not see this for the problem it is?
Color me frustrated.

Dr. Khoury-Machool contributed this article to The OtherSite – Truth? Justice? Peace?


Meanwhile I moved to the side of the road, away from the center of the conflict. A passing taxi picked me up and took me to Shifa Hospital in Gaza. During the whole journey, I heard bursts of fire.    At the entrance to the hospital about thirty doctors in white gowns stood waiting for casualties. I was the first. They took me into the operating theater, and ten doctors, including surgeons, all began to treat me at once. One of them took my blood pressure, a second my temperature; a third checked  my stomach; another connected me to an ECG machine. I was injured in the face, next to my nose. While they were stitching me up under a local anesthetic, a lad of about 17 was brought into the hospital. He had been shot by soldiers at the incident in Bayt Hanun. From the operating table, I saw in the mirror the barrel of a gun waving nervously across the windowsill. The second casualty died on the operating table, right next to me.    I left the theater straight into the hospital courtyard. Seven soldiers stood at the side and arrested all the youths who came to inquire about the condition of their wounded comrade. I decided nevertheless to try to reach the meeting place. A man was waiting for me there, and he took me to the leader.    The condition was that I should not know his name nor other identifying details such as where he lived, where and what he studied. Later I saw him in action, giving orders, receiving reports, directing thousands of people against the army. Twice I saw IDF soldiers withdraw.    He speaks perfect literary Arabic and also good Hebrew. His speech is open and decisive, laced with figures and data. Every half hour he received up-to-date information from his people on what was going on in the Gaza Strip. Around him I saw five people who kept him supplied with news. During the day, I was with him in various parts of Gaza and the refugee camps of Jabalya nad Shati’. He always stood erect, steady, almost without moving. In every place, people were drawn to him as to a magnet. I talked with him as we walked along the paths and alleys between the houses.    The Gazans who saw me at his side asked what I was doing there. They expect that journalists, foreigners as well as Israelis, will sit in the military headquarters or travel about surrounded by 20 jeeps, take a few photo- graphs, and leave. The leader said about this, “We told all our people not to believe the signs which say ‘Foreign Press’ because the settlers, the army, and the occupiers are behind them, in order to hitch a lift and get into the Strip.” But despite this, he said, “The progressive Jewish journalists are the most intelligent and best people in Israel.”    The bandage on my head broke some of the barriers of suspicion. As far as I was able to tell, he spoke to me candidly and with a great deal of honesty. “They are not really demonstrations and this is not a revolt,” is the leader’s contribution to the debate in Israel. “This is a war that continues 24 hours a day. We are working in rotation. The order was that the youngsters should go in the front, facing the fire, and they don’t hesitate to do so. They block the army’s central route. It is the first time in history that this has happened. I go through the whole Strip and instruct them in the camps. It’s not just school children. By now it includes everyone aged from nought to a hundred. Here is a 55-year-old woman who took part in the events and was hit with a stick by the soldiers. The women are not afraid. Ninety percent of the people in Gaza belong to political groups. They don’t need instructions from anybody. In any case, people who live under occupation and oppression do not need someone else to incite them.”    How do you organize the demonstrations now?    “Once, in order to start a demonstration, we would send the children to organize a disturbance. Now, everyone is out on the streets at 3 in the morning. Not ten or twenty people, but hundreds. We don’t have a timetable, but we already have a custom, waves of people going out, at 3 am, in the morning, at midday, early evening. From the evening until 3 am, we sleep and organize. Sometimes, if the situation demands it, we even go out at 10 pm, because during the night, the army doesn’t effectively control the streets and doesn’t know the local topography, so we are in control. For instance, yesterday in Jabalya refugee camp, there were demonstrations all night and there was not a single soldier, even though there was a curfew. The soldiers simply fled, because thousands of people formed a sort of moving human wall, and nothing will work against something like that, neither an iron fist nor bullets.”    Aren’t you afraid?    “It is forbidden. It is simply forbidden to be afraid of anything. The occupation authorities think that if someone dies and they take the body and permit the burial only during the night, then there will not be any disturbance. But our thinking has already passed this barrier. The new system is that we snatch the body from the hospital and bury it and turn this into a sort of spontaneous demonstration. We also forbade the doctors to give the bodies to the military authorities, and anyway the doctors are not in control of this, for we have no difficulty in snatching the bodies. For instance, in the past few days we have snatched four bodies and organized night funerals which have turned into demonstrations. Then the whole area, like Khan Yunis yesterday, is out on the streets. Not a single person stayed at home. Thirty-five thousand took part in that funeral. During the funeral, we injured seven soldiers. Yesterday, I made a few trips, from Khan Yunis to Rafah and from Rafah to al-Burayj. There were tens of thousands, and until 3 am the army could not break in. The distance between the Gaza sentries and the army was fifty meters, and the army simply didn’t dare to come in.”    In one of the side roads, someone came up to him and said that a 17-year-old boy had been murdered in Bayt Hanun. That was the lad who had died on the operating table next to me. All the time, he received reports, how this youth had been struck, whether with a stick or something else, on what part of the body, and where this had happened. He explained that the distribution of leaflets from any organization was forbidden, but if he wanted to he could organize the distribution of leaflets every day, without problems [sic]. “We already know how to identify their civilian information. We feel their presence, particularly in the mornings. We have seen to it that the army does not know who the inciters are. The authorities will not see another inciter. There is an instruction, and everyone goes out, quite spontaneously. There are no single inciters.”    When I asked him about the role of the leader in directing the masses, he was modest. “No, not exactly a leader. More like a giver of order.” But the hours that I spent in his presence showed that his orders are carried out with an almost religious obedience.    This is how he sees things. “Out of 650,000 residents of the Strip, the occupying authorities have so far arrested 47,000. Every one of them is already his own leader where he lives. The arrest creates a leader. We cause the politicization of the people, and they like this because they need it. Let no idiot think that external forces are directing what goes on inside. The people inside belong to all sorts of organizations, which are like political parties of the nascent state. Even those who do not belong to any group identify with the overall struggle.”    Over the years, a sort of quiet hatred has developed among the residents of the Strip for their compatriots in the West Bank. They feel neglected, even forgotten. The journalists reporting on events in the territories usually set out from Jerusalem. They easily reach Ramallah or Bethlehem, but rarely get to Gaza. So the West Bank naturally gets press coverage, even when much more important things which are happening in Gaza don’t find any expression in the media.    Loyalty to what is called “unity of Palestinian ranks” prevents the Gaza residents from expressing their frustration, but many of them feel that the national leadership in the West Bank looks down on them in the way town-dwellers usually regard residents of some distant province. The leader was only prepared to say these few words about the differences: “The Gazans, if they decide to do something, carry it out to the end. The West Bank is almost paradise compared to the Gaza Strip. Even such a simple thing as a passport is denied to them. The only thing that most of them have is a refugee card.”    Perhaps  this is the reason that the Gaza Strip has always been distinguished by a large measure of independent action. At the end of the 1960s, the underground groups used to organize under the umbrella of one of the Palestinian organizations, but even when contact was made with the leadership outside, it was hard to maintain it. Decisions on activities were taken in the Strip, and the residents usually got hold of the arms and sabotage materials by themselves. In recent years, it has been decided to maintain a strict separation between the armed groups and the activists considered “political.” In no case have shots been fired at the army from among the demonstrators, which should have been likely to lead to a bloodbath. The local leaders are responsible for this discipline.    “Every quarter has its own leader, who is usually some major personality. He will be known for this high political consciousness, for his charisma, and he will not have to do that much persuasion, for the situation helps him, and he will just have to give the signal. Every one of these leaders has already become a symbol. In a large quarter, there will be two or three leaders. The detainees are usually political people, who belong to an ideological current and not necessarily to a particular organization. The leader creates around himself an organized mass which at any time can go and do whatever is necessary. In effect, we want the army. We don’t demonstrate when it isn’t here. We want it in order to confront it, in whatever way we can.”    Referring to the efficiency of the organization, he said: “Yesterday, five hundred women went to Bayt Hanun, and they only knew of the planned trip five minutes before they left. The conscription of all levels of the population is in effect like a military operation. When we want to operate through the whole Strip, our short experience has taught us that within a few minutes we can block the main traffic route leading out from the Strip. When the army says that it has opened the main road, it is a lie because the road is blocked by our people.”    He stressed: “It is not correct that the mosques are center of incitement. We only use the mosque loudspeakers, nothing more. Now the whole community is united in one front. At the moment, it doesn’t matter who the organizations are, even though it is known that the Popular Front is more revolutionary than Fateh. The basic presence on the ground is of the Popular Front and Fateh, though in terms of numbers, Fateh is bigger.”    Suddenly he disappeared. I don’t know where to. He didn’t say goodbye or farewell. I met him again about an hour later in Shifa Hospital, in which his forces had been besieged for the past five hours.    Shortly after 11, I arrived at the Red Cross building, in which about two hundred lawyers had been barricaded since the morning. At 11:45, they decided to go out for a silent procession to the hospital, which had filled up with casualties over the previous two hours. A strange procession in the Gaza street, many grey heads, tens of men in suits and ties and polished shoes, marching silently between the smoking tires. In the hospital courtyard, the leader received them. “Take off your ties and join in with everyone else,” he told them. Some of the elderly lawyers were offended. After five minutes, they were all busily throwing stones at the soldiers surrounding the area.    A small mosque stands next to the hospital. The leader went in, put a few guards at the door, took over the loudspeakers, and let his men in. The news of the death of the boy from Bayt Hanun started to spread, and hundreds of people streamed toward the hospital. Within an hour, thirteen people arrived at the hospital with gunshot wounds. Among them I saw a girl who had a bullet in her bottom, and a youth injured in his arm – two holes, entry and exit wounds of the bullet.    All of the hospital buildings were already full, thousands of people. Many of them were seeking shelter from the shooting in the streets, assuming that the army would not enter the hospital. It was hard to pass along the corridors. Shooting was heard again. Close, very close. The leader started to send his people out. The youths went out first, the adults next, and all the women behind them. The leader instructed them to pass stones from the rear to the front. A chain was formed, and a rain of stones was thrown out. After each barrage, the leader ordered, “Everyone, inside!”    The soldiers started to fire at a youth on the second floor of the east wing. He jumped into the courtyard to escape from the shots. A few soldiers came into the hospital grounds. The youth tried to escape, but saw a soldier facing him. He stopped running, stood facing the soldier, opened his shirt, bared his chest and said “Shoot!” The soldier pointed the gun at him and, from a distance of fifteen meters, fired.    This happened in front of my eyes, less than twenty meters from me. The soldier’s face is engraved in my memory. From all around shouts were heard, “Wounded! Wounded!” The shooting continued. The leader or- dered, “All the women, out, to the wounded.” They went and fetched the body and put it on a stretcher. I went into the theater. The doctors told me that the bullet had cut a main artery. Immediately it was known that the boy was dead, masked youths came and took away the body. The soldiers withdrew about 300 meters, to ‘Umar al-Makhtar Street.    The youths marched with the body in a short procession and disap- peared within minutes. A few hundred people arrived with each further casualty or body. They started to make Molotov cocktails in the hospital. I saw a little boy take a bottle from the floor, pull out from his pocket a plastic flask of turpentine and a rag, fill and seal the bottle, light a match, and throw it. Flames started to rise from the tires which had rolled into the courtyard. The leader told me that, in addition to the stone and the Molotov, they had returned to an ancient method: the sling and stone, like David.    The soldiers, who in one of their assaults had come very close to the hospital, were trapped between the burning tires, and hundreds of demon- strators started to surround them. The soldiers tried to flee, but the demonstrators managed to capture one of them. All of his comrades ran.    The captive was stripped of his clothes. His jacket, his pack, and all of his equipment were taken. Nobody touched his body, and he was released wearing only a pair of torn trousers. If they had wanted, they could have killed him. They opened the pack, searched it, and asked where the grenades were. Some of them started to dance, with the rifle magazine in one hand and a “V” sign on the other. They threw the soldier’s jacket and shirt on the ground, and pressed around to trample on them.    I asked them, “What are you so happy about?” and they replied, “It is the greatest humiliation for the occupation.”    After this victory, the leader found a few minutes for me. “Once it was difficult to hold even a strike,” he said. “Today, they strike easily. The army opens the shops, and they close them. Rashad al-Shawwa, who no longer has any influence, says that what is happening in the Strip is an expression of people’s despair. But those in despair do not struggle. They surrender. We don’t actually have firearms, but even so, if the situation continues we won’t only push the soldiers back to Eretz Junction [the major road junction outside the Gaza Strip], but to Tel Aviv.”    My injury started to bother me. A few doctors ran after me, offering me ice compresses. One offered me antibiotic capsules. By the way, after midnight, when the hell was already behind me, I was forced to wait for four hours for treatment in Ichilov Hospital in Tel Aviv.    A further casualty, who had been shot in the head, was brought to the hospital gate. He died a short time later. His body was snatched. The soldiers again entered the hospital courtyard. Bursts of fire were heard in the building. The echo added to the noise and confusion. People started to barricade themselves inside. There were already a few casualties, but there had been no time to treat them. The leader shouted to the women to go out and treat the wounded, despite the danger.    For each casualty, twenty people rushed to give blood. Twenty-eight casualties arrived within a short time, three of them with serious injuries. One of them died at 7 pm. In the operating theater, tens of doctors were working without a break, like a conveyor belt. At about 1 pm, a ten-year-old boy was shot in the hospital courtyard, in the sight of his mother. His body was wrapped in a green hospital sheet and placed on a wooden board, adorned with two palm fronds.    I went up to the roof. At 3:15, the aerial attack started; a helicopter circled 18 times and dropped tear gas grenades. Everyone started to cough. Those who didn’t get gas from above got it from below. Shots were heard from the direction of the helicopter. I heard the army loudspeaker announce that the hospital had been declared a closed military area. The area was attacked from three sides. The iron gates were broken down at once, and 45 minutes of shooting started. Forty Gazans were arrested. Many were injured. I saw a man running, dragging his foot.    I felt like a live target. It’s good that my tape is on, I thought. At least it will be able to record how I was killed. Meanwhile, about thirty jeeps entered the hospital area, and shots were heard from all directions. Some of the injured jumped over the hospital fence into the neighboring orchard. Others fled into the alleys between the nearby houses, into which it is hard for the army to penetrate. I heard the shouts of the mukhtars, who are being beaten with sticks.    I went into one of the nearby houses and dialed the Ministry of Defense, the prime minister’s office. Engaged. No line. I dialed the Knesset. They told me that there was not a single Knesset member on the premises. “They are somewhere in the area, but it is impossible to get hold of them.” The operator managed to get hold of Tawfiq Ziyad. “I will raise this in the Knesset,” he told me. I also contacted the Red Cross. They said they would come. They didn’t come. I checked my pulse. One-hundred and twenty beats per minute.    A demonstration of thousands of people from Shati’ refugee camp reached the hospital. They had heard of the deaths. In the street, I met the doctor who had seen me when I was injured in the morning. He suggested that I rest at his house, with the help of some pills for the pain. Another doctor was sitting in his house. They both checked me. They said that perhaps I had a broken chin. At 4 pm, the curfew started. Night began to fall. The army cut off the electric supply, and the residents sat in dark homes and lit candles. In the Muslim Quarter of Jerusalem, Ariel Sharon lit the first candle of Hanukkah in his new home.    I went onto the roof of the doctor’s house. All around, there were gatherings of people and burning tires. The soldiers had disappeared. The darkness, say the Gazans, is the best weapon against the occupation forces. There were thousands of people in the streets. That was what the curfew looked like. I contacted the paper, seeking a way out. Two Gazans checked the terrain and told me that the main road was blocked. The doctor suggested that I slept at his place. At 9 pm, the electricity returned. “Now the stone rules the streets,” they warned me. “Whoever goes out is in danger.” I decided to go out.    I walked about a kilometer through the empty streets to the police station. The gate was locked. The police pulled out their guns and pointed them at me and only after they had checked my documents permitted me to enter. When the car from the military government came to take me to Eretz Junction, a few police went up to the roof of the police station in order to protect me for the ten meters I had to walk in the street to the car.    At Eretz Junction, less than ten kilometers from the center of the events, a few drowsy reservists sat. They asked me what was going on in Gaza and how I had been injured. I told them that I had been asked to act as a referee in a basketball match between Maccabi Hebron and Hapoel Gaza. The crowd attacked me, I explained to them, and said that the referee was a son of a whore. One of the reservists told me that he was a basketball player himself. He asked me about the level of the Arab players and who won the match.

Today, finally, Palestine was recognised as a state (essentially) when she was given, “Observer Status”, via the UN.

You could have knocked me over with that proverbial feather.

Certainly, as much as I wanted for Palestine to be recognised, I did not expect it.  I read everything posted (which was not a lot) about the back and forth;  the struggle of Palestine to achieve Observer status, and given what Palestine (Abbas, of the Palestinian Authority) was being pressured to do, such as give-up the right to take Israel to the International Criminal Court for their crimes against humanity, for (at least) Op Pillar of Cloud. 

I really thought Palestine attaining, “Observer Status”,  this would not happen in my lifetime.  It did.  And I am trilled!  I hope it is a stepping stone..  I hope it’s only a short-step toward giving all people of Palestine their freedom.  And I really hope it gives them the right to take Israel to the ICC, today and anytime in the future, when the ILLICIT state again bombs Gaza and murders Palestinians, just because they feel like it.

Of course, I have questions and concerns:

Did Abbas give up the right of Gaza/Hamas to take Bibi Netanyahu (@netanyahu for my twitter follows) to the ICC?  Will Israel ever be forced to stand trial for their latest murders of Palestinian innocents?  I hope Abbas did not give in or give up.  But, I do not yet know the answer to this question.

Will Hamas, the elected leader of the Palestinian people, finally be treated like the humans and leaders that they are?  Or, will they continue to be labeled as “terrorists”?  I think people should look at the truth of Hamas.  Though they were weaponized by Israel, years back, they have acted in the best interest of Gaza and would act in the best interest of all of Palestine, had the Zionist state not completely separated the West Bank from East Jerusalem and, especially,  from Gaza.  I believe this was by design.  Surely, most people see this, too.  For, though the majority of the world does not seem to be aware of this fact, Hamas has been struggling to stop all of those qassams from going into the (Palestinian) no-man’s land or squatter’s territory of what is really occupied Palestine.   If  their, “neighbors” (to put it nicely) are worried about these few qassams, they should just get out of Palestine!

One more time:  Hamas is not responsible for most projectiles fired into the other side of that ever-moving wall of Israel.  Hamas has struggled to catch and jail resistance fighters who do fire-off qassams.  Yet, during, “Operation Pillar of Cloud”, Israeli Occupation Forces and Israel Air Forces targeted these very Hamas policemen and police-stations, when they were not murdering babes and other innocents and not targeting news-media and hospitals and schools.  Isreali Occupation forces targeted women and children, intentionally..  So, what was it Israel and Bibi wanted to accomplish in the latest massacre?  Does anybody have a valid response to this question?

Until the people of the world wake up to the truth that Hamas is far from being a terrorist-organization, Israel will continue to act with reckless abandon.  Israel will keep acting like, “terrorists “, they say they despise and fear.  And until the USA and EU and others, particularly Westerners,  figure this out, the world will continue to be in a terrible state.  Of course, the USA voted against Palestine obtaining this observer-status.  And what did the UK do?  They wimped out and they took the no-vote route;  they abstained.

My wish now, for Palestine, is that the latest recognition by the U.N. will mean more positive accomplishments are on the way.  I hope this will mean the Israeli siege against Palestine will end.  But, I suppose we shall have to take this one step at a time.

For now;  congratulations, to Palestine.  I am sorry my own country’s government sided with the terrorists of Israel.  I am sorry they are puppets to the Zionist regime of Israel and I do hope they will wake up very soon or be voted out, if possible, before much worse happens.

Now, don’t cry, Gaza and Palestine;   for we are with you, at least in spirit.  And, I do believe that much more hope IS on the way.


An excellent video by P James Flynn, was posted in youtube and then in twitter, and sent to me.  It comes with a warning of graphic photos that depict violence and the aftermath, including photos of dead children of Gaza, Palestine.  Of course, the people who lay on the metal slabs in these photos, never received warnings.

My heroes are the people of Palestine, and especially Gaza, today.  These mostly young people stayed online or on their cell phones, and posted what was happening in their neighborhoods:

“loud boom”,

“dark, no electricity”,

“cannot sleep;  drones closer”

I read and retweeted these short messages, my heart breaking and the fear growing, for each person I’ve come to know in the past week and those I will probably never know.  I hoped more people, particularly Americans and other Westerners, would think it mattered.  I wasn’t sure if Bibi Netanyahu would ever stop this madness, even while I sent him tweets, insisting he stop this.  Sure, he never read my tweets, but if he had he would have been aware that more people in this world wanted this horror stopped.

The news finally came of a ceasefire, and for the civilians living in Gaza, this could not come soon enough.  I wanted to believe it, but with the sound of drones still circling overhead, over Gaza, I wasn’t sure.  I am still not sure.

For Bibi has not only lost this battle, he’s apparently lost the war (and I hope he’s finally lost his seat!)  Then again, with eighty to ninety percent of Israelis wanting this to continue, it could be the only rationale one could use to predict Bibi’s ouster would be that he did not, “flatten Gaza” (as the most despicable of the Israeli Zionists chanted again and again.)

Today, as has been the case since Cast-Lead Ops,  my heroes are in Palestine.  My heroes are the civilians who stand up, under fire, in the West Bank to say NO MORE.  My heroes are the young ladies and men of Gaza, who continue to put that information out there, in attempts to make it stop.

This is the twitter-link to the video, by @PJamesFlynn:
“History will Say, No More Heroes”.  It’s definitely worth the watch.

If anyone has not yet seen it, there is a video (new-z-reel) of these, “Poor, put-upon, terrified”, Jewish Zionist d’evils, from just outside of Gaza. They are on the hilltops, having a tail-gating party. If anyone does not know what this means:
Generally, outside of American football games, in the parking lot, pick-up trucks line up and the drivers and passengers hold parties. Refreshments are set-up on the opened tailgates. Americans serve bar-b-que and drink beer. It’s a celebratory time. Tail-gating does not involve or connote fear of anyone or anything. And this is what we see coming out of the land of the Zionist, from just outside of the walls of Gaza.

The Zionists do get on the telly and swear they are terrified, “by thousands of (ahem) rockets daily, sent by Hamas or other resistance groups, into Israel”. They may be able to show you a small hole in a neighbor’s roof or a broken window, but mostly they can show you un-exploded pipes that look like paper-airplanes. Sure, they are made of metal, but these, “qassams”, (rockets??) have no warheads. The most recent, “long-range rockets”, are still less than 2 feet long and contain no explosive, whatsoever!  The past explosive powders are not contained in today’s qassams.  They are hollow pipes with wings attached;  nothing more and nothing less. I would imagine the children of the Zionist state collect these things to play with.

In fact, these “qassams”, are quite reminiscent of rocket-kits American children DO play with. The appropriate age stamped on the box of said rockets (one of which I gave to my son at the age of 6 or 7), is, “8 to 80″. Does this sound dangerous? Does it sound deadly?  The difference between the rocket-kit I gave to my son and Gaza’s qassams?  The rocket-kit came with explosive powders and could actually burn a person.

Yet we watch the reality of this, “war”, which is not a war, at all. It’s party-time in the city (of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, and outside of the Zionist-built walls of Palestine), tonight. Explosive fireballs that light up the sky are provided by the Zionist state, as they blow up ACTUAL people, children seemingly preferred, in Gaza. And the Zionists stand by and oooh, ahhh, at each round of fire. THEY actually applaud!

It’s a sick nation that can look at these lights and not comprehend what’s behind or underneath them.  These are HUMAN BEINGS who’re being blown-up!  And Americans, by about fifty-percent, agree with the Zionist (bastard) State?  In this day of information overload, how is this?



Israel’s War against Palestinian Children.

*Via Crescent & Cross:

By Dr. Elias Akleh

The Israelis were not satisfied with the mere occupation of Palestine, the evictions of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians out of their country, the annihilation of Gaza Palestinians through a choking economic siege and frequent aerial bombardments, and the continuous confiscations of Palestinian land and the demolitions of their homes in the West Bank, so they had developed a very oppressive anti-Palestinian children policies, that are aimed at intimidating, terrorizing and traumatizing Palestinian children, whose families dared to stay in the country. These policies, that seem to be part and parcel of the racist expansionist ideology of the state of Israel and of its army, aim primarily at driving Palestinian families out of the country for the sake of their children’s future, and secondary to traumatize and terrorize Palestinian children while very young so that they would not dare grow up into young men willing to revolt.

Palestinian children, as young as 8 years old, have become the primary target for the Israeli army in the occupied West Bank. The Israeli occupying forces impose severe oppressive measures against Palestinian communities. These include barriers and check points between towns impeding access to schools, universities and markets. The army routinely demolishes homes, confiscates property, and forcefully evicts Palestinians out of their homes to give them to extremist settlers. When Palestinian young men demonstrate in the streets against such practices Israeli snipers target children in the head and upper body with live ammunition causing many fatalities. When using rubber coated bullets the Israeli soldiers break the casing of the bullet making it more fatal. When chasing children the soldiers use batons hitting heads and extremities to inflict permanent crippling damages, whose treatment pose severe financial burden on already impoverished families.

Adopting the Zionist expansionist scheme extremist Zionist Israelis are pushed to forcefully occupy Palestinian farm land and establish caravan settlements on top of hills overlooking Palestinian villages. They, then, start targeting Palestinian villagers and farmers especially their young children. The extremist settlers start by cutting down olive trees, burning harvests and shooting farm animals. At times they kidnap Palestinian farm children, who are attending flocks or tending crops, take them to their settlement, torture them for the duration of long hours, at
times days, before releasing them.

A similar tactic is adopted in East Jerusalem. The Israeli government want to put its hands on Silwan; a Palestinian neighborhood adjacent to the Al-Aqsa Mosque, in order to build what Israeli officials call “King’s Garden”. Palestinian homes in this neighborhood are being confiscated, their owners being evicted, and Israeli extremists moving in. At times Israeli extremists force their way into one room of the house and start harassing the Palestinian family owner. An Israeli settlement is being gradually built in the neighborhood. Such settlements in East Jerusalem constitute a violation of international law. These extremist settlers create tension and lead to constant confrontation and violent clashes. Israeli soldiers use these clashes as an excuse to raid Palestinian homes in the middle of the night, pull their children out of their beds, shackle and hood them, and literally drag them to police stations to be interrogated violently and abusively. An investigation conducted by the Israeli B’Tselem organization shows that within one year at least 81 Palestinian children from Silwan were arrested and tortured by Israeli Special Forces.

The Defense for Children International-Palestine section conducts interviews of cases of Palestinian children being violently abused by Israeli soldiers as well as by Israeli extremist settlers. Their website is full of testimonies by such abused children and eyewitnesses. A search on for “IDF targets children” lists many videos showing such incidents. Breaking the Silence , an organization of former Israeli soldiers dedicated to publicizing the day-to-day actions of the Israeli army in the occupied territories, had published a booklet of testimonies of more than 30 former Israeli soldiers, who had disclosed their experiences of the treatment of Palestinian children during their arrests pointing to a pattern of abuse.

A routine operation of the Israeli military forces in the occupied West Bank is called “Straw Widow”. This includes midnight or pre-dawn heavily armed raids on Palestinian homes, breaking down the doors, screaming and shouting at family members, detaining all family members including children in one room, and use the home as a military post for as long as they deem necessary, then leave the home fully trashed. Family members, especially children, feel terrorized, traumatized and severely vulnerable.

Another routine operation of the Israeli army, similar to “Straw Widow”, is the pre-dawn raids on Palestinian homes to arrest their children, where they drag the child out of his bed, tie-wrap his arms, blind fold or hood him, and literally drag him out to military jeeps while kicking, beating, and verbally abusing him. With face pushed to the floor of the vehicle the child is driven to a military interrogation center in Israel, thrown in a dark and very cold cell for hours and days before being dragged to a room to be harshly continuously interrogated by different officers for
long hours while being tied to a chair in a stressing position. Such interrogation is accompanied by intimidation, humiliation, beating, verbal abuse, and threats of sexual abuse. The child is then led to incriminate himself by forcing him to sign a confession written in Hebrew, a language that is foreign to him. After long days and sometimes month of incarceration he is dragged to a military court with both hands and feet in shackles, where he is usually sentenced to months or years in prison plus monetary fines. All this time while his family is not aware of his whereabouts, is not being informed of his legal rights, and is not represented by a lawyer. Many children are initially jailed with Israeli offenders, who further beat, intimidate, harass, and at times sexually abuse him. At best he is thrown in a dark and crowded cell with many other Palestinian prisoners.

These traumatic abuses have a great impact on the child’s mental and psychological health and produce varying abnormal symptoms depending on the child’s age, the type of abuse subjected to, and the family support he receives after his release. The abuse does not impact only the children, but also their families. The families feel helpless, vulnerable, and unable to protect their children. They feel lonely without any legal or psychological help from any social or governmental organization. With their budget under the control of Israeli government the Palestinian Authority is broke and could hardly afford to pay its own essential employees let alone provide any legal or social services to its citizens.

Israel’s abuse of Palestinian children had become so dramatic a phenomenon that it attracted the attention of nine eminent English lawyers, who were led by Sir Stephen Sadley, a former judge of the highest British court, to visit Israeli courts to study their practices. The lawyers, then, published their findings in a report titled “Children in Military Custody”, in which they accuse Israel of grave violations of the UN Convention on the Rights of Children that include violation of article 2; discrimination, article 3; child’s best interests, article 37 (B); premature resort to detention, (C); non-separation from adult family members, and (D); prompt access to lawyers, and article 40; use of shackles. The Israeli arrest, detention and interrogation practices are in violation of paragraphs 36 and 37, and article 37(A) in the prohibition of cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment. Transporting a child prisoner from the occupied territories into Israel is in violation of article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. The failure to provide translated military orders and alleged confession statements from Hebrew to Arabic is a violation of article 65 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

In their report the lawyers criticized and greatly condemned the belief and attitude, that were advanced to them by the military prosecutors, that every Palestinian child is a “potential terrorist” similar to what the Nazis claimed when criticized for removing Jewish children at places like Dachau and Auschwitz. The report had prompted the British Foreign Office to reveal that it would challenge Israeli courts over their unconscionable practices and violations of the many articles of UN Convention in their treatment of Palestinian children.

The self-proclaimed humanitarian American administration and NATO, who carry the banners of “Obligation to Protect Lives” and “Providing Humanitarian Aid”, are ready to spare no financial funds and military hardware to attack and destroy countries in Africa, South East Asia, and the Middle East in order to affect a regime change, yet when it comes to protecting Palestinian lives from illegal Israeli occupation turn blind eye to the Israeli massacres, terror, annihilation, and grave violations of international laws and basic humanitarian principles. Sarcastically the American administration does not spare any of its tax payers’ money and military aid for Israel despite the fact that Israel refuses to abide by American restrictions not to use these weapons for aggression. Such generous American gifts allow Israel to continue its annihilation of Palestinians and its aggression against neighboring Arab countries. The American administration is giving Israel $30 billion of its critically internally-needed tax money for military assistance without having Israel abide by any humanitarian principles, international laws or standard of basic human decency. “Israel is killing Palestinian children with American tax money” Dennis Kucinich blasted in the deaf Congress.

The Chinese philosophy of Yang at its zenith turns into Yin applies to the situation here. The Israeli policy, of instilling fear and terror into the hearts of the young Palestinian children to keep them docile and subservient in their adulthood to the Israeli occupation, had succeeded only into turning such fear into angry courage to resist the occupation. The Palestinian children had proved to be stronger and more resilience in the face of the heavily armed terrorist Israeli army. We witness them facing Israeli war machines with mere rocks. Indeed, David had turned into Goliath while Goliath had turned into David.